An analysis of the ongoing challenges facing the Bangsamoro peace process, highlighting six key misconceptions that are hindering progress. The article examines how these misunderstandings, related to development, religion, armed conflict, and governance, are leading to flawed approaches and preventing a lasting resolution.
PASIG CITY MindaNews / 13 March – Six crucial misconceptions are significantly hindering the progress of the peace process . Following the Moro Islamic Liberation Front MILF 's suspension of its decommissioning commitments in July 2025, the initial reactions from various stakeholders were predictable, including calls for dialogue, reaffirmations of commitment to the peace process , and a cautious approach of waiting and observing.
However, what was largely missing was a sincere examination of the underlying reasons why the process consistently faces moments of crisis. The Bangsamoro peace process is facing difficulties, not primarily because of spoilers, insufficient funding, or gaps in institutional capacity. Instead, the primary challenge stems from a consistent misunderstanding among those with the most influence in supporting the process regarding the true nature of the conflict. These six misconceptions drive this misunderstanding and are particularly significant because flawed frames inevitably lead to flawed responses. The prevailing intervention logic for decades has been: the Bangsamoro are impoverished, poverty fuels conflict, and therefore, alleviating poverty will resolve the conflict. While this approach has resulted in tangible investments, such as a reduction in BARMM’s poverty rate from 52.6% to 23.5% between 2018 and 2023, the peace process remains in crisis. Reducing poverty does not address the fundamental political and rights-based grievances at the heart of the conflict. The Bangsamoro did not take up arms due to a lack of infrastructure; they did so because their lands were seized. Colonial laws explicitly favored Christian settlers, with a 1913 public land act granting them larger land allocations compared to Moros. Government resettlement projects transferred vast areas to settler families, causing Muslims to become a minority in their ancestral homeland. Development programs that ignore this history merely treat the symptoms, failing to hold Manila accountable for the rights violations that triggered the conflict. Another critical misconception frames the conflict as primarily religious. The Philippines is predominantly Catholic, while the Bangsamoro are Muslim, which easily leads to this misinterpretation. However, this frame is inaccurate. The foundational documents of the MILF emphasize ancestral domain and political self-determination, not theological grievances. The Moro claim to their territory predates the arrival of Islam in Mindanao. Treating this as a religious conflict promotes counterterrorism responses when political engagement is needed, and it provided a dangerous cover after 9/11, blurring the distinction between the MILF and armed criminal groups. The narrative that the conflict's core issue is about stopping armed conflict is also flawed. The Bangsamoro has experienced numerous ceasefires, none of which have brought lasting peace. The 1976 Tripoli Agreement failed, and the 1996 peace deal created the ARMM, which was later captured by political dynasties and deprived of genuine power. The architects of the 2014 CAB understood this and designed a framework for structural transformation, not just a ceasefire. Seven years after the foundational legislation, normalization is stalled, transitional justice is largely unimplemented, elections scheduled for 2022 have yet to occur, and decommissioning is suspended. The ceasefire is holding, but the conflict remains unresolved, highlighting the limitations of focusing solely on ending armed violence without addressing the underlying causes. Moreover, the establishment of the BARMM is frequently misconstrued as the culmination of the peace process. This leads to the misconception that the main focus should now be on governance and development. BARMM is a vehicle, not the final destination. The replacement of Murad Ebrahim as Chief Minister in March 2025, from the Amerul Muhajideen of the MILF, was not an administrative transition but a regime change according to the MILF, altering who leads the BARMM and whose interests it serves. Elections remain suspended, and normalization commitments are significantly behind schedule. Having a region named Bangsamoro does not guarantee the substance of Bangsamoro self-governance. Additionally, the argument that holding BARMM parliamentary elections in September 2026 will resolve the peace process is a misreading of the situation. While elections are an important part of the framework, they are not the substance of self-determination. The Bangsamoro have been electing leaders for generations. Holding elections while critical issues such as normalization and transitional justice are unresolved provides democratic scaffolding around an unresolved rights claim and does not constitute a true resolution
Bangsamoro Peace Process MILF Misconceptions Self-Determination
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